尊敬的各位来宾，

女士们、先生们、朋友们，

大家晚上好！

首先感谢新西兰国际事务学会举办今天的活动并邀请我讲话。学会是新西兰最富盛名的智库之一，长期以来为不同思想的碰撞交流提供了重要的平台，有关话题既包括新西兰的对外关系，也涉及当今国际形势的发展变化。我想利用这个机会与大家分享我对中国外交政策和中新关系的一些见解。

一

首先我想谈谈中国的外交政策。对很多国家来说，外交政策都是内政的延伸，要想了解中国的外交，就必须了解中国的总体发展目标和规划。一个月前，中国共产党召开了第二十次全国代表大会，习近平总书记向大会作了报告，全面总结了过去一段时间中国发展取得的重大成就和积累的宝贵经验，对未来5年乃至更长时间中国的发展作出规划和部署，以公开透明的方式说明了中国的内外政策和战略意图。可以说，要想理解当代中国、判断中国内政外交未来走向，二十大报告就是最好的指南。

这份报告再次明确了中国未来发展的根本和中心任务，那就是全面建成社会主义现代化强国、实现第二个百年奋斗目标，以中国式现代化全面推进中华民族伟大复兴。通俗地说，中国共产党和政府的首要任务，仍然是不断发展经济，让人民过上更好的日子。 

有人说中国的战略重心发生了变化，不再以经济发展为中心任务了。我可以明确地告诉大家，这完全是对中国政策走向的误读和曲解。

二十大报告明确指出，发展是中国共产党执政兴国的第一要务。正如中国自实施改革开放以来所坚持的一样，我们将继续坚持以经济建设为中心，坚定不移地以高质量发展作为全面建设社会主义现代化国家的首要任务和根本路径。

我们的中心任务是由我们当前经济社会发展面临的主要矛盾——即人民日益增长的美好生活需要和不平衡不充分的发展之间的矛盾——所决定的。

围绕这个中心任务，报告规划了未来5年、到2035年、再到本世纪中叶的发展愿景，明确了各领域的中长期、结构性政策框架和必要机制保障，以确保如期实现有关目标。

中国外交始终服务于中国总体发展目标。中国外交政策的根本宗旨是，维护世界和平，促进共同发展，推动构建人类命运共同体。这一外交政策既符合为中国自身发展营造和平有利外部环境的需要， 也与中华优秀传统文化中以和为贵、讲信修睦、亲仁善邻等理念相一致，更是中国共产党从成立之初就始终在为中国人民谋幸福的同时胸怀天下、以为人类谋进步为己任所决定的。这一外交政策对中国而言绝非权宜之计，而是长期性、战略性、根本性的选择。

二十大报告明确提出，中国式现代化是走和平发展道路的现代化。我们在坚定维护世界和平与发展中谋求自身发展，又以自身发展更好维护世界和平与发展。中国过去从未，今后也不会侵略或欺负他人。无论中国发展到什么程度，我们永远不称霸、永远不搞扩张。

 然而，中国有句古话叫“树欲静而风不止”。放眼全球，世界百年未有之大变局加速演进，世界进入新的动荡变革期，经济复苏乏力，局部冲突频发，全球性问题加剧，不稳定性、不确定性甚或风险危险明显上升。

我们的世界并不太平。少数国家大搞强权政治，追求霸权主义，实施霸凌行为，公然干涉别国内政，制造分裂、对立，甚至挑动冲突、战争。尤为令人担忧的是，在战争与和平之间，过去许多不可思议的事情正变得不再那么难以想象。一些人从零和思维出发，不愿看到别国发展，甚至为了维护自身的主导地位，不惜动用制裁、封锁、断供、脱钩、设障等手段，企图阻碍、打压、遏制别国的发展。他们大搞单边主义，破坏多边机制、国际法和公认的国际关系准则，侵蚀合作应对人类共同挑战所亟需的政治互信以及制度机制。

尽管只有一小部分国家如此，但这种恶劣的行径不仅给中国的未来发展带来风险挑战，也极大损害了国际社会共同利益。

当今世界又一次站在历史的十字路口，何去何从取决于各国各自和共同做出的选择。 就中国而言，二十大报告明确宣示：

我们将坚定奉行独立自主的和平外交政策，始终根据事情本身的是非曲直决定自己的立场和政策，维护国际关系基本准则以及国际公平正义。

我们将坚持在和平共处五项原则基础上同各国发展友好合作。我们无意挑战或与任何人竞争，我们愿与所有国家携手合作构建平等、开放、合作的全球伙伴关系，努力扩大同各国的利益汇合点。

我们将积极参与全球治理，践行真正的多边主义，维护和平与发展，推动广泛的国际合作，共同应对气候变化、大流行性传染性疾病等全球性挑战。

我们将坚持对外开放的基本国策，坚定奉行互利共赢的开放战略，推动建设开放型世界经济，促进各国特别是广大发展中国家共同发展。

习近平主席多次宣示，中国对外开放的大门不会关闭，只会越开越大。习主席在日前举行的中国国际进口博览会开幕式上进一步指出，中国将推动各国各方共享中国大市场机遇、制度性开放机遇、深化国际合作机遇。

总之，中共二十大为中国的未来发展擘划了光辉的前景和蓝图。一个稳步发展、扩大开放的中国，一个致力于维护世界和平、促进共同发展、应对共同挑战的中国，一个寻求互利共赢合作的中国，将不断为世界提供新机遇，为动荡不安的国际形势提供稳定性。 

二

下面，我想重点谈三个问题。这些问题既是新西兰外交界非常关心的话题，而且也与中新关系密切相关。 

第一个问题：价值观与外交政策。

这个问题近来在关于国际关系和外交政策的讨论中经常被提到。的确，每个国家都有自己的价值观，不可避免会反映在其内政外交政策中。一个国家、民族、社会的价值观，是包括其历史文化社会制度在内的基本国情的产物。不同国家的国情千差万别，价值观往往也就存在差异。这就决定了世界上的价值观过去是，现在是，将来也仍然会是多种多样的。在这个意义上，历史从来没有结束，也不会结束。事实上，试图以某种特定价值观一统天下的尝试，从来没有成功过，且无不以悲剧收场。 

但正如德国哲学家黑格尔曾经说过，人类从历史中得到的唯一教训，就是人类无法真正汲取教训。最近日益严峻的国际形势表明，仍有国家企图以自己的价值观为标准来评判别国、划分阵营，甚至企图把自己的价值观强加在其他国家甚至整个世界头上，把价值观武器化进而当成打压别国、维护自身霸权的工具，这已成为当前国际秩序不稳定、不确定因素上升的一个重要根源。鉴此，当前和未来一个时期，不同价值观念和政治社会制度国家如何共处与合作，是国际社会必须面对的一个重要挑战。 如不妥善处理这一挑战，人类或将面临灾难。

我们也应看到，不同价值观体系之间往往也有许多重要的共同或相近之处。这些共同点，恰恰是国际社会和平乃至和谐共处、开展互利合作、携手应对共同挑战的基础和保障。

正因为如此，中方承认并重视价值观在国际关系中的作用，倡导和平、发展、公平、正义、民主、自由的“全人类共同价值”理念，并将其作为推动构建人类命运共同体的重要基石。

需要指出的是，中方所倡导的“全人类共同价值”，与一些国家主张的“普世价值”有着本质区别。概括地讲，所谓普世价值是自上而下的、以自我为中心的、傲慢的、甚至是霸权主义的，其本质是将自己的价值观作为“模具”，试图将其他国家甚至全世界塑造成一个模式。与之相反，“全人类共同价值”是自下而上的、相互尊重的、平等因而也是民主的，其本质是承认且尊重不同国家价值观的多样性， 在此基础上寻找各方都认同的公约数。即使采用相同的概念，譬如民主、自由，也允许不同国家根据自己的国情自主做出不同的解读和运用。这就是中国古人所倡导的“和而不同”。

这种和而不同不仅是必要的，也是可能实现的。因为归根到底，我们虽然各不相同，但我们之间的共同点和共同利益远远超出我们之间的差异和分歧。只要我们相互尊重、平等相待，不试图强加于人，那么共处就完全可以超越冲突，交流完全可以超越隔阂，互鉴完全可以超越傲慢。

中国的价值理念、社会制度、现代化道路，是中国人基于中国的历史文化和现实国情做出的选择。事实证明，这些选择有效解决了中国的问题，满足了中国人民的需要，我们会毫不动摇地一直坚持下去。

同理，我们也尊重其他国家人民基于各自国情所做的选择，不会试图以我们的价值观为标尺去评判或改变他人，更不会搞强加于人那一套。我们愿意在相互尊重、互不干涉内政的基础上开展对话交流，以增进相互了解、促进互学互鉴，但不会接受别人充当“教师爷”、对我们指手画脚，甚至企图把自己的价值观和制度强加在我们头上。

第二个问题：国际规则与国际秩序。

国际规则与秩序的重要性毋庸讳言，这在当前世界各类矛盾层出不穷、国际社会面临前所未有挑战的情况下更是如此。没有公平有效的国际规则与秩序，世界将退回到弱肉强食的丛林法则时代。在这方面，大家可能经常听到一个说法，“我们应该维护和遵守以规则为基础的国际秩序”。那么，这是一个以什么样的规则为基础的什么样的秩序？是由谁说的算的规则和秩序？我们究竟需要什么样的规则和秩序？关于此，我愿从中方角度谈四点看法：

首先，国际规则和秩序顾名思义应该是“国际的”，这就意味着应基于、符合、服务于国际社会的共同利益，而不是少数甚至个别国家的一己私利。

第二，国际规则和秩序应由国际社会广大成员通过平等协商共同制定、共同维护，而不应只由少数甚至个别国家说了算。

第三，中国和国际社会绝大多数成员都认同、支持以联合国为核心的国际体系，以国际法为基础的国际秩序，以联合国宪章宗旨和原则为基础的国际关系基本准则。

它们之所以为国际社会所普遍认同，根本原因在于其所代表的国际规则与秩序，既体现了民主包容、公平公正，也在实践中被证明最为行之有效。

如果所谓的规则和秩序只不过是一个或几个国家的国内法，或者少数国家组成的排他性的“小圈子”以及这些“小圈子”所制定的“帮规”，如果少数国家把他们所谓的规则和秩序变成了动辄施压制裁、肆意侵犯其他国家的尊严和权益、逼迫他国选边站队的大棒，那么它们恐怕就是以多边主义之名行单边主义之实，打着公平公正的旗号干着谋取私利、恃强凌弱的勾当。

第四，遵守和维护国际规则与国际秩序是国际社会所有成员的共同义务与责任。公认的规则一旦确定，所有国家无论大小强弱都应持续遵守，不能合则用、不合则弃。 

在支持多边主义、联合国和国际法上，中国和新西兰有着共同或相近的立场观点。我们应加强沟通与协调，和国际社会广大成员一道，做世界和平的建设者、全球发展的贡献者、国际秩序的维护者。 

第三个问题：台湾问题和中国的统一。

就此，我想结合二十大报告在台湾问题上的宣示强调三点。

第一，台湾问题的本质和核心是中国的主权和领土完整。 无论是从历史经纬还是从法理的角度看，台湾都是中国领土的一部分，两岸人民同属炎黄子孙。 从二战结束前后有关战后秩序的国际文书，到联合国大会2758号决议，到逾170个国家在与中国建立外交关系时所做出的政治承诺，台湾的地位都十分清楚：世界上只有一个中国，台湾是中国的一部分，中华人民共和国政府是全中国唯一合法的代表。 这就是我们常说的“一个中国”原则的核心内容，也是国际社会广泛共识以及中国同各国建立和发展双边关系的政治基础。

第二，解决台湾问题、实现祖国完全统一，是全体中华儿女的共同愿望，是实现中华民族伟大复兴的必然要求。 二十大报告在台湾问题上进一步阐明了我们的总体方略，列出了正、负两个清单。

正面清单，也就是我们要积极推动的，重申了“和平统一、一国两制”方针是实现两岸统一的最佳方式，重申了坚持以最大诚意、尽最大努力，通过促进两岸交流合作，推动两岸开展广泛协商，争取和平统一的前景。 

负面清单，则是我们要坚决反对和防止的，划出了外部势力干涉、极少数“台独”分裂分子搞分裂活动这两条不可逾越的红线，并针对这两条红线重申决不承诺放弃使用武力，保留采取一切必要措施的选项。

这两份清单合在一起充分说明，我们和平统一的方针坚定不移、没有改变，我们捍卫国家主权和领土完整的决心坚定不移、没有改变。这也是我们历代领导集体和政府始终坚持的方针。有人近来在国际上散布关于中方改变了涉台方略的不实之词，企图以此抹黑中国，在台湾海峡乃至亚太地区制造紧张、分裂，挑动对立甚至战争，以达到维护霸权、搞乱亚太的目的。对于这些，如果仔细读读二十大报告，谣言将不攻自破。相信亚太地区国家的眼睛是雪亮的，将会做出符合自身利益的判断。

 第三，恪守一中原则是维护台海和平的根本保障。而违反一中原则，则会直接威胁台海和平，并给亚太地区的和平与稳定带来负面影响。毫无疑问，中方是最不希望台湾海峡生乱生战的，因为台湾地区是我们家园的一部分，台湾人民是我们的骨肉同胞。台湾海峡生乱生战也不符合包括新西兰在内的亚太地区各方利益。 

前段时间，美众议长佩洛西窜台，以及美后续一系列挑衅行为，直接导致台海局势急剧升温，也给亚太地区和平稳定带来严重隐患。我们希望美方采取负责任的态度，停止挑衅行为，回到他们自身作出承诺的一个中国原则上来。 中方同时希望一切希望台海和平、关心支持亚太地区和平稳定的国家，共同推动一个中国原则得到切实遵守，反对违反一中原则的挑衅行为，这符合各方的共同利益。

三

接下来让我们把视线转到中新双边关系上。

我们即将迎来中新建交50周年，这是双边关系中的重要里程碑。回首两国五十年携手走过的历程，双方都为发展两国关系付出了巨大努力，两国关系也因此取得了巨大进展，为两国和两国人民带来了巨大利益。

五十年来，中新双方高层交往更加频密，经贸纽带不断增强，人文交流根深叶茂，国际和地区合作日益密切。中新关系开创多个“第一”，始终走在中国与西方发达国家关系的前列。

今年以来，区域全面经济伙伴关系协定和中新自贸协定升级议定书相继生效实施，为双方互利合作注入了新动能。据新方统计，2021年双边贸易额达到377亿新元。今年前三季度，新中货物贸易额达292亿新元，同比增长13.3%，再次彰显了双边务实合作的深度和韧性。

从中新两国建交的第一天起，两国的共同利益和差异分歧就同时存在。但双方过去半个世纪的合作已经充分表明，中新之间的共同点和共同利益远远超过我们的差异和分歧，虽然两国各自发展和国际局势都发生了变化，但共同利益和互利合作依然是中新关系的主流。

我来举几个例子。

我们两国都以人民为中心，重视经济社会高质量和可持续发展。

我们都支持自由贸易和建设开放型世界经济。

我们都致力于维护国际与地区和平稳定，促进共同发展和繁荣。

我们都支持多边主义，支持通过加强国际合作应对全球挑战。

我们都坚持独立的外交政策。

我们都不搞军事同盟，反对选边站队，都认为我们的双边关系不针对也不应受制于第三方。

这些共同点为我们两国深化拓展双多边领域合作提供了坚实基础和广阔空间。 

在当今这个不确定性日益增多的世界，中新关系面临的不确定因素和挑战确实比过去增多了。但越是如此，在未来的合作道路上，我们双方越要通过加强合作给彼此提供更多的确定性，合力应对共同挑战，更好造福两国人民，同时携手为世界和平与发展事业作出更大贡献。 

当然，这并不是说要刻意忽视我们之间的分歧，而是应通过建设性对话协商来化解、管控好我们双方的分歧，避免搞“麦克风外交”，真正做到如阿德恩总理所说的“不让分歧定义我们的关系”。妥处分歧和拓展合作同样重要，因为中新关系是一个有机整体，它的每个组成部分都相互影响。

我想特别指出，在国家间关系中，认知会塑造人们观察事物的视角，进而对两国交往合作产生实质性影响。因而以广泛的公众认知为基础的国家品牌，是影响国家间关系的一个核心变量。在中国，人们普遍认为新西兰是一个绿色、清洁、开放、友好的国家。这种非常积极的国家品牌是中新关系中最有价值的资产之一，也是中新关系大厦最强大的支柱之一。

一个最新关于国家品牌重要作用的例证，发生在近期在上海举行的进博会上。短短一周时间内，我在中国中央电视台黄金时段的新闻上至少看到了三次报道，专门介绍进博会上的新西兰产品。在中国，没有比这更好的广告了，而且它还是免费的。从采访中能够看出，“新西兰”这个国家品牌在中国公众中有着广泛的积极共鸣。这也是近年来进博会内外新西兰对华出口签约额逐年增加的一个重要原因。作为驻新大使，我对此感到十分欣慰。

我们需要牢记，这样的声誉是通过中新双方多年的辛勤付出逐步建立起来的，我们有责任悉心涵养和呵护这一重要资产。这需要双方领导人和政府部门的高层引导，有能力的、负责任的媒体可以也应该发挥应有作用，两国民众间多层级、多渠道的交流也十分重要。

展望中新关系下一个50年乃至更长时间的发展，我们双方应珍惜来之不易的历史成就，把握未来机遇，继续深化合作，共同落实好两国领导人达成的共识，响应两国人民的殷切期盼，共同推动中新关系再上层楼，更好造福两国人民，为世界作出更大贡献。两国应维护好当前务实合作的良好态势，同时深挖在应对气候变化、可持续农业、生物制药、科技创新等方面合作潜力，继续加强各层级、各领域交往，共同践行多边主义，维护国际和地区和平稳定，促进共同发展，不断赋予中新全面战略伙伴关系新的内涵。

最后我想再次重申，中方对发展中新关系的积极看法从未也不会改变，中方对深化两国友好的郑重承诺从未也不会改变，中方对与新西兰携手促进世界和平、稳定、发展的真诚期待从未也不会改变。我坚信，中新关系潜力巨大、前景广阔，中新合作对双方有利、对世界有利。中方期待同新方共同努力，携手开创更加美好的未来！

谢谢大家！

Distinguished Guests,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Good Evening!

First, let me thank NZIIA for organizing the event and inviting me to speak this evening. As one of the most prestigious Kiwi think tanks, the Institute has been an essential platform for the exchange of views and ideas on New Zealand’s foreign relations and what happens in our world more broadly. I would like to take this opportunity to share with you my perspectives on China’s foreign policy and China-New Zealand relations.

I

I shall begin with China’s foreign policy, which, like the foreign policy of other countries including New Zealand, is largely an extension or a function of its domestic affairs. One can hardly have a full grasp of China’s diplomacy without getting to know the country’s overall development goals and plans.

About a month ago, the Communist Party of China convened its 20th National Congress, when General-Secretary Xi Jinping delivered a report, which on the basis of reflections on the progress China made in the past decades and the lessons we have learnt from that journey, charts the way forward for the country in the next five years and beyond, laying out China’s domestic and foreign policies and strategic intentions in an open and transparent manner. The report is arguably the best guide to understanding contemporary China and where the country would go from here both domestically and in terms of its external relations.

The report reaffirms that the fundamental and central task of China’s future development is to realize the Second Centenary Goal of building China into a great modern socialist country in all respects and to advance the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation through a Chinese path to modernization. In more mundane words, the top priority for the Chinese Communist Party and Government is STILL to pursue economic development with a view to meeting the aspirations of the Chinese people for progressively better lives.

There have been allegations that China has pivoted away from economic development as its central mission, which is, I can assure you, a misconception or misrepresentation of China’s policy stance.

The report clearly states that development continues to be, as it has always been since the start of reform and opening-up, the paramount task for the Party in its drive to rejuvenate the nation. It follows that we will continue to focus on promoting high-quality economic development as the organizing theme for all our pursuits.  

The centrality of development is determined by what we call the principal contradiction or the primary challenge facing China, namely, the gap between unbalanced and inadequate development and the people’s ever-growing needs for a better life.

In line with this central task, the report projects a vision for the country in the next five years, through 2035, up until mid-century, and identifies the long-term and structural policy frameworks as well as the necessary institutional backstops in different areas to deliver on that vision.  

China’s diplomacy is there to serve and support the realization of that vision. Our commitment to upholding world peace, promoting common development and prosperity, and building a global community with a shared future is first and foremost requisite to help create a peaceful and favorable external environment for our own development to take place. It also coheres with China’s  tradition of acting in good faith, making friends of all, and fostering good-neighborliness. In addition, the CPC, since its inception 100 years ago, has taken it upon itself to promote progress for humanity on top of pursuing happiness for the Chinese people. The adoption of such a foreign policy is by no means a choice of convenience. Rather, it is a long-term, strategic, and fundamental decision.

The report also points out that seeking peaceful development is a defining feature of the Chinese path to modernization. Again, we shall strive to safeguard world peace and promote development to enable our own development, which will, in turn, empower us to make a greater contribution to the wider global cause. China has never bullied or invaded others, and will never do so. No matter what stage of development it reaches, China will never seek hegemony or engage in expansionism.

We have, though, a saying in Chinese: the trees want to stay still, but the wind keeps blowing. We are witnessing turmoil in our world, as it is undergoing profound and drastic transformations unseen in a century. Coalescing with a sluggish world economy and acute global challenges, these changes have given rise to increasing uncertainties, risks and even outright dangers.  

Indeed, the world today is hardly a very peaceful place. Power politics and hegemonism are on the rise. A small number of countries blatantly bully and interfere in the internal affairs of others, create divisions and confrontations, and even stoke conflicts and wars. It is particularly concerning that, on war and peace, what used to be unthinkable seems increasingly less inconceivable. Contrary to what these countries often claim, rather than “live and let live”, they apparently believe in “live and let die”. Out of a zero-sum mindset, they do not want to see other countries develop. Even worse, they proactively hinder, suppress, and contain other countries through sanctions, barriers, blockades, disruption or even severance of supply chains, and decoupling, in order to maintain their own dominance. They practise unilateralism and undermine the multilateral system, international law, and broadly accepted norms of international relations, eroding the mutual trust and the institutional foundation which are essential if we are to address global issues through global cooperation.

Such egregious behaviors, albeit by a small number of countries, not only pose challenges to China’s development, and also seriously damage the interests of the international community as a whole.

The world has come to yet another crossroads, and its future will be decided by all countries’ respective and collective decisions. As far as we are concerned, the report to the Party Congress clearly proclaims:

China remains firm in pursuing an independent foreign policy of peace. Accordingly, we will always decide our position and policy on issues based on their own merits, uphold the basic norms governing international relations, and safeguard global fairness and justice.

China will adhere to the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence in seeking to establish friendly relations with ALL other countries in the world. China will want to challenge or compete against no one. Rather, we want to work with everyone to deepen and expand global partnerships based on equality, openness, and mutual benefit.

China will play an active part in global governance, practice true multilateralism, and promote peace, development, and extensive cooperation in addressing global challenges such as climate change and pandemic response and preparedness.

China is committed to its fundamental national policy of opening up to the outside world, and will contribute to building an open world economy that facilitates the development of all countries, particularly developing ones.

President Xi Jinping has stated on many occasions that “China’s door will never close. It will only open wider”. At the opening ceremony of the fifth China International Import Expo a few days ago, President Xi further pointed out that China will work with all countries and all parties to share the opportunities from its vast market, from its institutional opening-up, and from deepened international cooperation.

In a nutshell, the 20th National Congress of the CPC  has drawn up a blueprint for China’s future development. An open and steadily growing China, a China that is committed to promoting world peace and development and addressing global challenges, and a China that seeks win-win cooperation will continue to offer new opportunities for the world and lend stability and certainty to the otherwise turbulent and increasingly uncertain international landscape.

II

Next, I would like to discuss briefly three issues that may be of interest to New Zealand foreign policy circles and that are relevant to China-New Zealand relationship.

First, values and foreign policy.

This issue has come up frequently in recent discourse on international relations and foreign policy. Indeed, every country has its own values, which are inevitably reflected in its domestic and foreign policies. The values of a country, a nation, or a society are the product or function of its circumstances, including its history, culture and social system. It should be no surprise therefore that differences in national conditions might lead to divergences in values, so that the values across the world have been, and will continue to be diverse by nature. In this sense, history has not ended and never will.  In fact, attempts to unify the world with a particular and uniform set of values have never succeeded. Instead, they have, without exception, ended in tragedy.

As the famous German philosopher Hegel observed, however, “the only thing that we learn from history is that we learn nothing from history.”  The way the world has evolved suggests unfortunately that the there are countries in today’s world trying to judge other countries by their own values and divide the world along values-based fault-lines. Some go as far as attempting to impose their own values on other countries. Values have even been weaponized to suppress other countries to maintain dominance or hegemony, which has become a root cause of rising instability and uncertainty in the world. One of the biggest challenges facing the international community would thus be how to make sure that countries with different values and political and social systems can coexist and cooperate with one another. We have to, for the alternative would be a recipe for disaster.

We should also acknowledge that even between seemingly very different value systems, there might be  many commonalities or similarities, which constitute the basis for different countries to coexist peacefully and even harmoniously, cooperate for mutual benefits, and join hands to address common challenges.

That is why China recognizes and cherishes the role of values in international relations and advocates “the humanity’s shared values” of peace, development, fairness, justice, democracy and freedom, as a cornerstone for building a community of shared future for mankind.

The humanity’s shared values advocated by China are different from the "universal values" advocated by some countries. The so-called “universal values” is top-down, self-centered, arrogant and even hegemonic, and their essence is to use one’s own values as a mold to shape other countries or even the whole world into one model. In contrast, “humanity’s shared values” is bottom-up, based on equality and mutual respect, and as a result democratic, recognizing and respecting the diversity between countries, and on that basis, finding the common denominator or denominators among them. The latter approach would also allow for some of the same concepts, such as democracy and freedom, to be interpreted and applied in different countries in ways aligned with their own respective national context. This is what the ancient Chinese called harmony amidst diversity.

Such harmony amidst diversity is not only necessary, but also possible. Although we are different from one another, at the end of the day, our commonalities and common interests far outweigh our divergences. As long as we treat each other on the basis of mutual respect and equality, and refrain from imposing on others, we can then have coexistence rather then conflict, dialogue rather than estrangement, and mutual learning rather than arrogance.

China’s choice for values, social system, and path to modernity are made by our own people based on our own history, culture, and realities. And these choices have been proven to be suitable and effective to solve China’s problems and meet the needs of the Chinese people. There is no reason whatsoever why we should not adhere to them unswervingly down the road.

By the same token, China respects the choices made by other peoples based on THEIR national conditions and will never attempt to use our values as a yardstick to judge or change others, much less to impose on them. China stands ready to conduct dialogues and exchanges on the basis of mutual respect and non-interference in each others’ internal affairs to promote mutual understanding and mutual learning. We reject, however, finger-pointing or lecturing, or attempts by anyone to impose their values and systems upon us.

The second issue I wish to talk about is international rules and international order.

The importance of international rules and order goes without saying, all the more so at a time when the world is beset by sharp contradictions and unprecedented challenges. Without fair and effective international rules and order, the world will revert to the era of the law of the jungle. In this regard, one narrative that is heard constantly these days is the imperative for us to uphold and abide by a rules-based international order. What is meant here? What and whose order? And what and whose rules? Is that what we need?

In this connection, I would like to stress four points from China’s angle.

First, international rules and order should, by definition, be international, meaning that they should be  based on, conform to and serve the common interests of the international community, rather than the  narrow self interests of one or a few countries.

Second, international rules and order should be jointly formulated and upheld, through equal participation and consultation, by the international community rather than by one or a few countries.

Third, China and the overwhelming majority of members of the international community acknowledge and support the international system with the United Nations at its core, the international order based on international law, and the basic norms governing international relations based on the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.

The reason why they are widely subscribed to by the international community is that the international rules and order they represent not only embody democracy and inclusiveness, fairness and justice, but also have proven to be the most effective in practice.

If the so-called rules and order are merely the domestic laws of one or a few countries, or the private rules laid down by an exclusive small group of countries, and if a few countries use THEIR own rules and order as a bludgeon to sanction or damage others, and coerce others to choose sides, then I am afraid it is essentially unilateralism masquerading as multilateralism, or brazen bullying for self-interest in the name of fairness and impartiality.

Fourth, compliance with and maintenance of international rules and order is a shared obligation and responsibility of all countries. Once the commonly-accepted rules are in place, all countries, rather than only the small and weak, should comply with them, and should do so consistently, rather than only when compliance suits one’s narrow interests.

China and New Zealand share a common or similar position on supporting multilateralism, the United Nations and international law. We should strengthen communication and coordination, and together with the majority of the international community, act as builders of world peace, contributors to global development, and upholders of international order.

The third issue I want to discuss here is the Taiwan question and China’s reunification.

Briefly, three observations in the context of the CPC 20th National Congress Report’s pronouncement on the Taiwan question.

First, the essence and crux of the Taiwan question is China’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Either from historical or legal perspectives, Taiwan is unquestionably part of China, and the people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait belong to the same family of Chinese people. From the international instruments on the post-war order at the end of World War II, to UNGA Resolution 2758, to the political commitments made by more than 170 countries upon establishing diplomatic relations with China, the status of Taiwan is crystal clear: namely, there is but one China in the world, Taiwan is an inalienable part of China, and the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government representing the whole of China. This trifecta lies at the heart of the one China principle, which is widely accepted international consensus and the political foundation for China’s bilateral relations with other countries in the world.

Second, solving the Taiwan question and achieving the complete reunification of the motherland is the common aspiration of all Chinese, and an essential requirement for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The CPC 20th National Congress Report further clarifies our overall strategy on the Taiwan question and sets forth in its relation two lists, one positive and the other negative.

The positive list refers to what we proactively promote, including the reaffirmation that peaceful reunification and one country, two systems is the best way to achieve reunification, and the affirmation of our continued efforts to promote cross-strait exchanges and cooperation with the utmost sincerity and efforts, and to promote extensive cross-strait consultations for the prospect of peaceful reunification.

The negative list encapsulates what we resolutely oppose and would thus want to prevent, including most prominently two inviolable red lines that must not be crossed, namely one, intervention by external forces, and two, secession or independence of Taiwan from China by a small number of separatists. To forestall these two scenarios, the Report reiterates the long-held position that China will never undertake to renounce the use of force and retains the option to take all necessary measures.

These two lists combine to illustrate clearly that our policy of peaceful reunification is unwavering and unchanged, and at the same time, our resolve to safeguard our national sovereignty and territorial integrity is unwavering and unchanged. They have been our consistent policy across successive generations of leadership and government. The false narrative being spinned by some regarding China having changed its policy on Taiwan is nothing but an attempt at smearing China, to create tension, division, confrontation, and even war across the Taiwan Strait and in the Asia-Pacific region. Their ulterior motive is to use this as cover and justification for maintaining their hegemony, even at the expense of peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. If you read the 20th National Congress report, you will find their narrative ill-founded. We believe that countries in the Asia-Pacific region understand the stakes involved and will form their judgments that serve their best interests.

Third, adherence to the one-China principle is the best guarantee for maintaining peace in the Taiwan Strait. Conversely, violation of or deviation from the one-China principle, will pose a direct threat to peace in the Taiwan Strait and negatively impact peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. Conflict or war in the Taiwan Strait is no doubt the last thing China wants to see because Taiwan is part of our home, and people in Taiwan are our fellow countrymen. Nor is conflict or war in the interests of the parties in the Asia-Pacific region, including New Zealand.

Not long ago, the visit to Taiwan by US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and the subsequent further provocations by the US directly led to a sharp rise in tensions across the Taiwan Strait, which also posed serious risks to peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region. We hope that the US side will act responsibly, cease their unjustified and uncalled-for provocations and return to the one-China principle they themselves have committed to. China also hopes that all countries that support peace in the Taiwan Strait and are concerned with peace and stability in the region will work together to ensure compliance with the one-China principle and to oppose provocations in violation of the one-China principle, which is in the common interest of all parties concerned.

III

Finally, let me turn to China-New Zealand relations.

We shall soon be celebrating 50 years of our diplomatic relationship, which is an important milestone for both countries. Looking back, our relations have indeed come a long way , by any measure or any standard, as a result of tremendous efforts on both sides, bringing material tangible benefits to both countries, particularly the two peoples. 

As compared with 50 years ago, we are seeing between us today more frequent and closer high-level political exchanges, exponentially stronger economic and trade ties, deeper people-to-people links, and better communication on international and regional affairs. Many firsts have been created along the way, making China-New Zealand relationship a clear leader in China’s relations with the western developed countries.

The entry into force earlier in the year of RCEP and the Upgrade Protocol of the China-New Zealand Free Trade Agreement has injected new impetus into our cooperation. According to the Statistics New Zealand, our bilateral trade in 2021 reached 37.7 billion NZD. In the first three quarters of this year, it has surpassed 29 billion NZD, with an increase of 13.3% year-on-year, showcasing the depth and resilience of our practical cooperation.

Since day one of our diplomatic relations, our common interests and differences have always coexisted with each other. However, the half-century of cooperation between China and New Zealand has amply demonstrated what we have in common far outweighs our differences. Despite the changes in our respective countries and around us in the world, common interests and mutually beneficial cooperation remain the mainstream of China-New Zealand relations.

Let me give you some examples.

Both sides put our people front and center.

Both are committed to maintaining peace and stability and promoting common development and prosperity.

Both support free trade and an open world economy.

Both support multilateralism and international cooperation to tackle global challenges.

Both pride ourselves on independence in our foreign policy.

And both oppose military alliances, taking sides and targeting third parties or subjecting ourselves to them in conducting our relations.

These commonalities between us provide the two countries with a solid basis and ample space to cooperate both at a bilateral level and internationally.

In a world with growing uncertainties, it is no surprise that China-New Zealand relations are facing more challenges as well. However, the greater the uncertainties around us, the more certainties we should jointly create for each other through closer cooperation on the way forward. The aim is to benefit our peoples, address common challenges, and at the same time, contribute to world peace and prosperity.

Meanwhile, we have no intentions of shying away from our differences or divergences. Rather, we stand ready to resolve and manage our differences through constructive dialogues rather than Mega-phone diplomacy to ensure, in the words of PM Ardern, that differences would not be allowed to define our relationship. In this sense, managing differences is at least as important as expanding cooperation because China-New Zealand relationship is an organic whole, different parts of which interact with one another.  

In this connection, it is useful to note that optics and perceptions are important as they will shape people’s perspectives, which may, in turn, substantially impact the substance of the relationship. Thus, national branding, based on by wide public perception, is a central variant in the equation of relations between states. In China, there is widespread cognizance of New Zealand as a green, clean, open, and friendly country. This very positive national branding is one of the most valuable assets and arguably one of the strongest pillars for our relationship. 

One recent example of national branding at work relates to CIIE, which has just concluded over the weekend. In the short space of a week, I have seen as least three separate reports in CCTV primetime news on the Expo that contains a substantial element on products from New Zealand. Publicity can hardly get any better than this in China, and it is free. It is palpable in the reactions from the people interviewed that the mere mention of New Zealand would strike a chord, which largely underpins the increasing trajectory of contractual values for New Zealand export to China at the Expo or otherwise, and is extremely gratifying to me as ambassador to the country.

We need to bear in mind, though, that such a reputation has been gradually built up with hard work over the years from both sides and hence should be carefully nurtured and protected. That requires inputs from governments, including our political leaders through, among other things, their public messaging, from competent and responsible media, and from members of the public on both sides.

Looking ahead to the next 50 years of China-New Zealand relations and beyond, we hope both countries would cherish the hard-won historical achievements and seize new opportunities to expand our partnership. We should work together to implement the consensus reached by our leaders, meet the aspirations of the two peoples, and bring our relations to new heights, so that we can better benefit our two peoples and make greater contributions to the world. While maintaining the current positive momentum of our practical cooperation, we could as well tap the potentials offered by new areas of collaboration, including climate change, sustainable agriculture, bio-medicine, and broad scientific and technological innovation. We should continue to facilitate exchanges at all levels, jointly uphold multilateralism, maintain international and regional peace and stability, support common development, and thus, give increasing substance to the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between us.

Before concluding, I want to emphasize again that China’s expectation for the development of China-New Zealand relations has not, and will not change; China’s firm commitment to deepening friendship between our two countries has not, and will not change; and China’s sincere aspiration to work with New Zealand to promote peace, stability, and development in the world has not, and will not change. I firmly believe that China-New Zealand relations have great potentials and a promising future and that our cooperation is in the interest of both sides and the whole world. We look forward to working with the New Zealand side to bring about that common brighter future for both countries!

Thank you！