Dear Friend,
Tenā koe.
In early November 2025, the New Zealand Defence Force once again dispatched military vessels and aircraft under the pretext of implementing so-called “UN sanctions resolutions against the DPRK,” launching Operation Whio and transiting the Taiwan Strait on this basis. Such actions are inconsistent with widely accepted international norms, contravene relevant provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), undermine China’s sovereignty and security as well as peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait, and send a wrong signal to separatist forces seeking “Taiwan independence.” This inevitably inflicts damage on the long term friendly and cooperative relations between China and New Zealand, and harms New Zealand’s own reputation and interests. In short, it is a self-defeating act that harms others without benefiting oneself.
To set the record straight and clarify misunderstandings, I would like to share some observations with our New Zealand counterparts and friends in the hope of enhancing mutual understanding and trust, and jointly safeguarding and advancing our bilateral relationship.
There Is No Such Thing as “International Waters” under International Law, and the Taiwan Strait Is Not an “International Waterway” for Certain Countries to Conduct “Freedom of Navigation” Operations
Pursuant to the UNCLOS and China’s domestic laws, the waters of the Taiwan Strait comprise China’s internal waters, territorial sea, contiguous zone, and exclusive economic zone. There is no such thing as “international waters” in this area. Indeed, the term “international waters” does not exist in international maritime law at all. It is only a fabricated notion used by certain countries to cover up and promote their strategic intentions. The Chinese side has repeatedly stressed that the Taiwan question concerns China’s core interests and national sentiments; Taiwan is an inseparable part of China; and the Taiwan Strait is not “international waters.”
In fact, the Taiwan Strait serves not only as a vital channel for cross-Strait economic, trade, and people-to-people exchanges, but also as one of the busiest shipping lanes in global trade. China has always respected and safeguarded the navigation rights of all countries in the Taiwan Strait in accordance with international law and Chinese legislation, and remains a steadfast defender of the international maritime order. To date, hundreds of commercial vessels transit the Strait safely every day, with no delays or obstructions attributable to China—and certainly no lawful and compliant vessel engaged in innocent passage has ever been impeded.
However, a crucial distinction must be made: innocent passage by civilian merchant ships is fundamentally different in nature from politically motivated transits by foreign warships. China consistently supports and facilitates the former, while firmly opposing the latter when they are used as an excuse for interference in China’s internal affairs, provocative acts, or activities that endanger China’s sovereignty and security under the guise of “freedom of navigation.” China’s position is clear: any passage of foreign warships through the Taiwan Strait must respect China’s sovereignty and must not compromise China’s security interests.
Regrettably, in recent years, certain countries have frequently dispatched warships through the Taiwan Strait under the banner of “freedom of navigation.” Some claim they “do not take sides,” yet repeatedly send military vessels to traverse the Strait, using “freedom of navigation” as a smokescreen for their strategic agenda of supporting “Taiwan independence” and containing China. On this occasion, New Zealand has likewise publicly stated that its naval deployment and activities “demonstrate New Zealand’s commitment to upholding the international order.” Yet the facts tell a different story.
The UNCLOS has never granted warships the right to operate arbitrarily in the maritime zones adjacent to other states. Such conduct does not uphold rules—it creates risks; it does not promote peace—it fuels division. China remains highly vigilant and resolutely opposes any external forces flaunting military might or escalating tensions in the Taiwan Strait. We firmly oppose any country invoking “freedom of navigation” as a pretext to interfere in China’s internal affairs or undermine peace and stability across the Strait. The People’s Liberation Army’s continuous monitoring, surveillance, and necessary responsive measures in this regard are entirely legitimate, lawful, professional, and measured.
UN Security Council Resolutions on the DPRK Have Never Authorized Any Country to Conduct Surveillance or Espionage Activities in the Vicinity of Other States
Historically, while the UN Security Council adopted resolutions such as S/RES/1718 (2006) and S/RES/2270 (2016) concerning the DPRK, with the aim of preventing its nuclear and missile programs, these resolutions merely require member states to prohibit specific exports to the DPRK and encourage voluntary inspections of suspicious vessels in their own ports or on the high seas. They do not establish any multilateral “monitoring mechanism” or “maritime enforcement coalition,” nor do they authorize any state to conduct boarding, inspection, interception, or coercive enforcement measures in the exclusive economic zones or adjacent waters of coastal states without their consent. Moreover, all actions must strictly comply with the UNCLOS and international law.
It is therefore evident that the Security Council has never authorized any country to deploy military assets in the maritime or airspace under the jurisdiction of other states to carry out espionage or surveillance under the guise of implementing sanctions.
Nevertheless, in recent years, certain external countries have repeatedly invoked “implementation of the UNSC resolutions” as justification—despite lacking any such authorization—to dispatch military vessels and aircraft thousands of miles to China’s vicinity to conduct tracking, surveillance, and intelligence gathering under the banner of so-called “freedom of navigation” operations. Such practices constitute an overreach and abuse of the UNSC resolutions and amount to unilateral “long-arm jurisdiction” that disregards international rules. Their true intent is not to uphold the international order, but precisely the opposite: to serve their own geopolitical objectives and preserve global military hegemony.
China’s position on this issue is clear and unequivocal: the UN Security Council has never authorized any country to monitor or unilaterally enforce DPRK-related sanctions within the maritime zones under the jurisdiction of other states. China firmly opposes any country exploiting the implementation of the UNSC resolutions as a pretext to endanger China’s sovereignty and security.
Since last year, New Zealand military vessels and aircraft have repeatedly participated in such activities, conducting frequent so-called surveillance operations targeting the DPRK in China’s surrounding maritime and airspace. During these operations, not only New Zealand naval vessels deliberately transited the Taiwan Strait, but its military aircraft also approached China’s territorial airspace, coming as close as 8 kilometers, an act that naturally triggered high alert from the Chinese side and necessitated appropriate measures to resolutely safeguard China’s legitimate rights and interests and prevent accidental incidents from undermining regional peace and stability.
China–New Zealand Relations Are Enduring and Hold Great Promise—Requiring Joint Stewardship for a Brighter Future
The essence of China–New Zealand relations lies in win-win cooperation. China has always advocated advancing the healthy and stable development of bilateral ties on the basis of mutual respect, mutual accommodation, focus on cooperation, and proper management of differences—a course that serves both our individual and shared interests. Thanks to joint efforts, China–New Zealand relations have maintained a generally positive trajectory in recent years. In particular, Prime Minister Luxon’s successful visit to China in June 2025 yielded important consensus between the two leaders on furthering the China–New Zealand Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, leading to fruitful outcomes across various fields and opening even broader prospects for cooperation. Both sides are now working diligently to implement the outcomes of that visit to further promote national development and benefit our peoples.
China has always regarded New Zealand as a friend and partner. However, the sound and steady growth of China–New Zealand relations depends on the concerted efforts of both sides. China’s commitment to developing bilateral ties, benefiting our peoples, and safeguarding regional peace and prosperity has never wavered. At the same time, we will never allow—nor will we accept—any force or individual to exploit pretexts to create disturbances around China or openly harm China’s national security and legitimate interests. Such actions will meet with firm opposition not only from the Chinese government and people, but should also raise concern and vigilance among our New Zealand friends.
China and New Zealand have no historical grievances or fundamental conflicts of interest. We should treat each other with mutual respect, seek common ground while managing differences, and properly handle divergences. As co-builders and defenders of the post-war international order, both countries should jointly uphold the UN-centered international system, safeguard international fairness and justice, and work toward a more equitable and reasonable global order. We sincerely hope that New Zealand, as a peace-loving nation, will continue to stand on the right side of history—adhere strictly to the one-China principle, uphold the purposes and principles of the UN Charter, and support the Chinese people’s just cause of safeguarding sovereignty and territorial integrity and achieving national reunification.
Ngā mihi.
Sincerely yours,
Wang Xiaolong
Chinese Ambassador to New Zealand