世界、中国与中新关系

——王小龙大使在卡伦早餐会上的讲话

2026年3月19日，惠灵顿俱乐部

The World, China, and China-New Zealand Relations

--Remarks by Ambassador Wang Xiaolong at the Cullen Breakfast

Wellington Club, 19 March, 2026

感谢卡伦先生的邀请，很高兴来到久负盛名的卡伦早餐会。四年多前我刚到任不久，就听闻卡伦早餐会是惠灵顿最具影响力的重要平台之一，汇聚着新西兰各界最有思想的人士，共同探讨时下热点话题。

Thank you, Peter, for inviting me to speak at your prestigious namesake event. Soon after my arrival as ambassador more than four years ago, it came to my knowledge that the Cullen Breakfasts is one of the most important institutions of Wellington, as it is here that many of the most interesting people in this country would congregate on some of the most interesting issues of the day.

诚然，我们正身处一个前所未有的时代，这意味着各类话题层出不穷。

Indeed, we are living in unprecedented times, meaning we are never in want of topics to talk about.

今天我主要想谈三个方面的内容：一是中国如何看待当今世界大势；二是中国的外交和国内发展道路；三是在此背景下中新关系何去何从。之后，我愿意回答大家的提问。

What I plan to focus on today is three-fold: first, how we in China see the affairs of this world; second, China’s approach both internationally and domestically; and third, where China-New Zealand relationship would come in amid all this. After that, I shall be glad to answer your questions.

在座的各位可能知道，习近平主席曾提出一个现在广为人知的论断：世界正经历百年未有之大变局。近十年前首次提出时，很多人未能真正理解其深意。但如果现在再去看看相关国际评论，情况已截然不同，大家已逐渐意识到这一论断的深远洞见，世界之变正加速在我们眼前展开。

As some of you may know, there is a now well-known observation by President Xi Jinping that the world is undergoing transformations unseen in a century. When he first made that assertion, nearly ten years ago, very few people understood, let alone agreed, what it meant. If you read or listen to the global commentariat today, that has changed dramatically, as many have come to realize the prescience of the observation, with those transformations unfolding and accelerating right before our eyes.

从许多方面看，当前可以说是世界历史上最具开创性和影响力的时代之一，许多改造甚至重塑世界的变量同时涌现。在这之中，有三大突出的驱动力。

In many ways, this is arguably one of the most seminal eras in world history, as we have never witnessed so many world-shaping or reshaping vectors in play simultaneously. From among them, three mega drivers stand out.

一是持续日新月异的科技变革。包括人工智能在内的技术进步正从根本上重新定义人们工作、生产、生活方式、战争形态、价值创造和转化以及社会组织方式。个人、集体、国家乃至整个人类如何驾驭这场科技变革，将改变财富和权力在一国境内和国家之间的分配，也决定着未来几十年人类能否及如何应对最棘手的共同挑战。

The first is the unrelenting pace of technological change.

Revolutionary progress in technologies, including but not limited to, AI, is redefining fundamentally the way we work and produce, the way we live, the way we fight wars, the way we create and impute values, and the way we organize ourselves as societies. How individuals, communities, states and above all, humanity as a whole, harness the potential of these technologies will also change the distribution of wealth and power both within and across borders and determine our collective ability or inability to address the biggest common challenges facing the world for decades to come.

二是全球南方群体性崛起，推动全球力量格局深刻调整。这一进程始于中国，但早已不限于中国。越来越多新兴市场与发展中国家正跻身全球增长最快的经济体行列，在此过程中不断提升自身技术水平与在价值链中的地位，也在国际事务中发挥着日益重要的作用。

The second mega trend is the profound re-balancing of global power, driven by the collective rise of the Global South. 

It started with China, but is no longer confined to China alone. An increasing number of Emerging Markets and Developing Countries are making their way into the league of the fastest growing economies, moving up the technological ladder and value chains in that process, and playing ever more important roles in international affairs. 

“非西方”的崛起并非零和博弈，尽管其常被曲解为我赢你输。这也解释了为何总有人试图延缓、阻碍甚至逆转这一进程。但无论如何，尽管前路并非坦途，但这一历史潮流已势不可挡。

The rise of the Rest is not a zero-sum game, although it is often framed as one. That explains the efforts being attempted to slow, impede or even reverse that process. Regardless, the historical process is becoming somehow inexorable, albeit with the caveat that it may not follow a linear trajectory.

三是是支撑国际秩序的全球制度与规则体系正经历剧烈重构。

The third mega trend driving the changes in the world unseen in a century is the drastic reconfiguration of the global architecture of institutions and rules underpinning the international order.

加拿大总理马克·卡尼在其备受关注的达沃斯演讲中将这一趋势定性为“断裂”（rupture）。慕尼黑安全会议在其2026年报告中则断言，我们所熟知的国际秩序“正在被摧毁”（under destruction）。

The Canadian PM Mark Carney in his widely noted Davos speech characterized it as a rupture. The Munich Security Conference, in its 2026 report, claims that the international order as we know it is under destruction.

很长一段时间，尤其是冷战结束后，人们常说的“国际秩序”实际上存在两种版本。一种是以国际法为基础、以联合国为核心的广泛且公认的国际秩序；另一种则是所谓“基于规则的自由主义国际秩序”，其实质是少数国家试图发号施令。

For a long time, particularly after the end of the Cold War, there have been virtually two renditions of the so-to-speak international order as such. One is the broad-based and widely accepted international order based on international law and gravitated around the UN. The other is the “liberal rules-based international order,” under which it is actually a small number of countries that tried to call the shots. 

尽管二者差异常常被刻意模糊，但它们并不相同。西方试图主导国际秩序，将其价值观和意志强加于世界其他地区，并从中攫取最大利益。

The two are not the same, though the differences between them are often shrouded in deliberate ambiguity. The West sought to dominate the international order, imposing their values and wills on the rest of the world, reaping the best part of the benefits.

然而，随着其成本和收益日益失衡，这一情况开始难以为继。原本“基于规则的国际秩序”的所谓领导者发觉自己已失去掌控，于是便开始破坏乃至颠覆其曾引领构建的秩序，矛盾也随之日益激化升级。

That began to change when cost and benefit for them increasingly no longer align. Things have come to a head when the putative leader of the “rules-based order” sees itself losing control, and starts to undermine or even tear down the order they took the lead in building up.

借用经济学的概念，国际秩序原有的均衡已被打破，世界尚未形成新的均衡。在转型过渡期间，我们几乎不可避免地要经历一个更加不可预测、不稳定与不确定的阶段。

Borrowing an economics concept, the pre-existing equilibrium for the international order has broken down, and the world has yet to settle into a new equilibrium. In between during the transition, we shall almost unavoidably go through a patch featuring greater unpredictability, instability and uncertainty.

当今世界，越来越多的人在问一个核心问题：国际秩序向何处去，世界向何处去，人类向何处去？

A key question being increasingly asked around the world these days is: Whereto international order? Whereto our world? Whereto humanity?

这的确是我们这个时代最重要的问题之一。

Indeed, this is one of the most important questions to be answered.

而要回答这个问题，我认为应该回到这个问题的本源：我们希望生活在什么样的世界中？我们构建国际秩序的初心是什么？

To answer it, I do think we need to go back to the basics: what kind of world do we want to live in? And what do we hope to achieve with an international order in the first place?

对中国而言，我们所追求的国际秩序，至少需要有助于实现三个根本目标。

For us in China, the international order we aspire to will need to conduce itself towards at least three fundamental goals.

第一，这一秩序应当维护世界持久和平和普遍安全，而不是为了少数国家安全而牺牲其他国家安全，更不能允许大国动辄使用武力、肆意用炸弹开路而不承担后果。

First, it should maintain lasting peace and universal security in the world, rather than ensuring security for only a small number of countries at the expense of security for others, or worse still, allowing the major powers to resort to the use of force wantonly and bomb their way around with impunity.

第二，这一秩序应当促进共同发展和繁荣，而不是只让少数国家独享富足，却使其他国家陷于发展不足甚至长期贫困之中。

Second, it should promote common development and prosperity, rather than enabling only a small number of countries to enrich themselves while locking others in underdevelopment or even perpetual poverty.

第三，它应当赋能全人类更好地应对共同挑战，而不是任由少数富裕国家维护其狭隘、短视的私利，却让最脆弱的群体独自面对困境。

And third, it should empower the humanity as a whole to better address common challenges, rather than allowing a small number of well-heeled countries to secure their own narrow and very often short-sighted self-interests while leaving the most vulnerable to fend for themselves.

下面我将逐条阐述这三个目标，先谈谈哪些路行不通，然后说中国认为哪条路走得通。

Let me take these up one by one, starting with what we think will not work and then on to what we think will work.

在维护和平与安全方面，首先也是最重要的，我们不认同帝国模式。令人深感忧虑的是，当今世界上一些主要大国的领导层正公开地“颂扬”帝国行径，试图开历史倒车，重现曾给各大洲亿万人民带来屈辱、压迫、贫困及无尽苦难的昔日“荣光”。

On maintaining peace and security, first and foremost, we do not believe in empires. In this connection, it is deeply concerning that empire is these days being openly and unabashedly celebrated by leading politicians of some of the biggest powers in the world, in a brazen attempt to reverse the wheels of history and to evoke the “glories” of a past that inflicted humiliation, oppression, poverty and other untold sufferings on hundreds of millions of people across continents.

这是对去殖民化进程中赢得独立国家的公然冒犯，是对历史正义的公然冒犯，也是对维持了总体和平与稳定的战后国际秩序的公然冒犯。

This is an open affront to countries that acquired their independence in the decolonization process, to historical justice, and to the post-war international order that has maintained overall peace and stability. 

人类早已超越那个时代。试图为昔日帝国招魂，并以此为其当代帝国主义行径正名，不仅悖逆道德、尽显傲慢，更是极为危险的。

Humanity has progressed past that era. Trying to conjure the ghost of past empires and using that to justify latter-day imperialism is immoral, arrogant, and above all, extremely dangerous.

当前地缘政治讨论中常被提及的另一个论调是“势力范围”，即大国如何能够甚至应当瓜分并统治世界不同地区。这同样是中国所不认同的，因为它在道义上站不住脚，在现实中也行不通。

Another narrative referenced frequently in the current discourse on geopolitics is spheres of influence, or how the major powers could or even should divvy up and then rule the different regions of the world. This is something else we in China do not believe in, as it is neither morally tenable, nor practically possible.

道义层面上，以势力范围为基础的世界秩序，其核心本质上仍是支配、压迫与剥削的体系。同样，这是早已作古的殖民时代产物。任何正派或是尚有道德良知的人，都不会再为这种逻辑辩护。

Morally, what lies at the heart of a world order based on spheres of influence is, in essence, a system of domination, subjugation and exploitation. Again, that belongs to the long gone colonialist era. I do not think anyone with any sense of decency or morality can justify that logic anymore.

实践层面上，当今世界各国互联互通、相互依存，不可能“脱钩”。即使能将不同地区割裂开来一时，也注定难以持续、终究徒劳。

Practically, the interconnectedness and interdependence between countries across the world is such these days, that despite efforts to decouple, it is no longer possible to segregate the different regions of the world from one another. Even if you might be able to do that for a while, those efforts will hardly be sustainable.

各国都有地理上、文化上、民族上和经济上的邻国和周边地区，但它们不是也不应成为任何人的“势力范围”或“后院”。

Indeed, geographically, culturally, ethnically and economically, we all have neighbours and neighbourhoods, but they are not and should not be anybody’s spheres of influence or backyards.

另一条行不通的路是军事同盟。中国认为，军事同盟非但不能维护世界稳定，反而会成为动荡的根源。从其定义和设计初衷来看，军事同盟旨在赢得战争而非维系和平。若企图通过让他国陷入绝对不安全来实现自身的绝对安全，结果很可能是所有人都陷入更不安全的境地。

The next non-solution I want to debunk is military alliances, which we believe is, often a de-stabilizer rather than a stabilizer for the world. These alliances, by definition and by design, are meant to win wars rather than to keep the peace. If your aim is to make yourselves absolutely secure by making others absolutely insecure, the chance is that everyone will end up less rather than more secure.

更重要的是，军事同盟非但难以给紧张局势降温、控制冲突范围，反而可能因其捆绑牵连导致冲突升级甚至扩散。

More importantly, when tensions occur, the entanglements of these military alliances will likely escalate rather than de-escalate the situation, and spread rather than limit the conflicts.

这正是第一次世界大战的起源。

That is exactly what happened at the start of the WWI. 

一个更近的例子是北约，以及其在欧洲安全——更确切地说——欧洲的“不安全”中所扮演的角色。北约不仅未能避免乌克兰冲突，其扩张反而成为这场冲突的根源之一。四年后的今天，战火仍在蔓延，结果是无人幸免、皆是输家。

A more recent example is NATO, the role it has played in European security or rather, European in-security. Instead of preventing a conflict over Ukraine, through its expansion, it became part of its root cause. Four years on, the conflict is still raging, and everybody has lost out as a result.

由此引出一个更广泛的问题：使用武力或战争作为解决国家间争端的手段。

This brings me to the broader issue of the use of force or war as an instrument of choice in settling disputes between states.

《联合国宪章》清晰明确地禁止使用武力或以武力威胁解决国际争端，并主张在尊重各国主权独立的基础上通过外交与谈判解决争端。联合国及其所代表的规则与架构，诞生于第二次世界大战浩劫的余烬之上。然而，或是有人出于自身目的故意为之，或是那段苦难记忆随时间逐渐模糊，战争的沉痛教训似乎正被遗忘。

The Charter of the UN, in explicit and unmistakable terms, prohibits the use of force or the threat of force in settling international disputes, and advocates in its stead diplomacy and negotiations on the basis of respect for sovereign independence of states.  The UN, and the rules and architecture it embodies, rose from the ashes of the scourge of WWII. It seems, however,that the painful lessons learned at the time are being forgotten, as a result of deliberate choice out of convenience or memories of those untold sufferings fading with time.

外交和对话正让位于枪炮和导弹。和平本身不再被视作一个值得追求的目标，“战争正重新成为时尚，对战争的狂热在蔓延……一切只为宣示自身的统治地位”。

Diplomacy and dialogue is giving way to guns and missiles. Rather than seeking peace as a desirable goal in itself, “war is back in vogue, and a zeal for war is spreading,… all for asserting one’s own dominion”.

人们开始越来越多地谈论大国竞争甚至第三次世界大战，并将其视为某种可以想象、能够接受甚至不可避免的事。这种言论是极不负责任的。大国竞争极易滑向失控，而一场有核武器国家参与的世界大战，其灾难性后果难以估量，甚至可能意味着整个人类的终结。

Increasingly, you also hear people talk about great power rivalries or even a WWIII as something conceivable, acceptable or even inevitable. Such talk is beyond irresponsible. Great power rivalries could be a very slippery slope. And another world war, involving this time countries armed with nuclear weapons, would lead to consequences beyond devastating: it might as well mean the end of humanity as a species. 

下面我想谈谈建立国际秩序的第二个根本目标：共同发展与繁荣。

Let me turn to the second of the three major goals for a desirable international order: common development and prosperity.

国际社会从未真正坚定树立实现共同发展和繁荣的决心，或至少未能将承诺落到实处。最接近这一理想的阶段，是始于1990年代的二十年。当时，应对气候变化与实现可持续发展的需要促使国际社会团结起来，携手应对生存性威胁；世贸组织基于“开放市场将推动增长并惠及各方”“水涨众船高”的理念应运而生；随后，联合国先后通过了《千年发展目标》与《可持续发展目标》。这些努力一定程度上似乎成功凝聚了关于消除贫困、实现全球可持续发展的共识。

The world has never been fully convinced of having these as a shared commitment, or at least of the imperative to put money where the mouths are. The closest we got was the two decades starting from the 1990s when climate change and sustainability became the rallying call that galvanized the global community into actions on facing down a common existential threat, when WTO came into being on the back of the belief that open markets drive and spread growth and that a rising tide will lift all boats, and when later on, the UN adopted first the MDGs and then the SDGs, crystallizing the seeming consensus on eradicating poverty and achieving sustainability for all.

回望过去，那是国际经济与发展合作的鼎盛时期。当时的想法是，通过促进广泛发展，为和平与安全、为改善世界各国人民福祉奠定坚实基础，不让任何人掉队。

Looking back, those were the heydays of international economic and development cooperation. The thinking at the time was that by promoting broad-based development, we would lay a solid foundation for peace and security and improving the welfare for all peoples in the world, leaving no one behind.

而如今，这些理念被斥为天真甚至“险恶”的“全球主义觉醒思想”。其结果令人深感忧虑。

These are now being dismissed as naive, even sinister globalist wokeism. And the result is deeply troubling.

在贸易领域，以世贸组织为核心的多边贸易体系正遭受系统性冲击，导致其很大程度上陷入失能乃至事实上的瘫痪。开放、基于规则、可预测性、非歧视，这些支撑多边贸易体系公平有效运作的基本原则，正遭到这一体系某些主要构建者的公然挑战，只因他们认为该体系不再对其有利。也主要是在这些国家，单边主义与保护主义沉渣泛起，使多边贸易体系面临巨大压力。

On the trade front, the Multilateral Trading System (MTS), with WTO at its core, is under systemic assault, leaving WTO largely incapacitated or in virtual paralysis. The fundamental principles underpinning the fair and effective functioning of the MTS -- openness, a rules-based approach, predictability and non-discrimination -- are being openly challenged by some of the leading builders of the system, as they no longer see it as working in their favour. In largely these countries, unilateralism and protectionism have reared their ugly heads, putting the MTS under severe strain.

关税壁垒、贸易和金融限制乃至直接“脱钩”愈发被某些国家当做武器，对几乎全世界发动贸易战。他们将其作为胁迫工具，以维持其主导地位、压制竞争对手、实现地缘政治目标。

Increasingly, tariffs, trade and financial restrictions and outright decoupling are being weaponized by those launching trade wars on virtually the entire world. And they use these as instruments of coercion to maintain dominance, keep rivals down, and achieve geopolitical objectives. 

然而，事实已再清楚不过：贸易战没有赢家。一国的贸易平衡状况，是其禀赋与比较优势的体现，也取决于其宏观经济政策选择所带来的财政状况。因此，不出意外地，尽管美国自“解放日”起对别国实施了关税及其他限制措施，其2025年的贸易逆差却不降反增。

It has become abundantly clear, however, that no country can emerge a winner from trade wars. The balance of trade of a specific country is a reflection of its endowments and its comparative advantage. It is also a function of its fiscal position as a result of its macroeconomic policy choices. No surprise, therefore, despite the tariffs and other restrictions imposed since Liberation Day, the trade deficit of the US in 2025 increased rather than decreased on the previous year. 

加征关税和实施限制措施扰乱并损害了世界经济。与此同时，人们也越来越清楚地看到，这一策略同样在反噬自身——既破坏了本国供应链，也推高了举国企业与消费者的成本。

And by imposing these tariffs and restrictions, they have disrupted and hurt the world economy. At the same time, there is growing realization that their gambits are also hurting themselves by disrupting their own supply chains, and pushing up cost for their businesses and consumers. 

在这场混乱中首当其冲的还是发展中国家，尤其是最为脆弱的最不发达国家。这些国家不仅承受着一些最令人费解的关税及相关不确定性所带来的冲击，还面临西方发达国家援助急剧减少的双重困境。

Bearing the brunt of all this are developing countries, particularly the least developed ones, which are the most vulnerable. Not only are they being hit by some of the most inexplicable tariffs and attendant uncertainty, they are also being subjected to the double whammy from drastic reductions in aid from Western developed countries. 

事实上，过去两年间，特别是在2025年，来自发达国家的官方发展援助（ODA）断崖式下滑。

In fact, ODA from developed countries collapsed over the past two years, particularly in 2025. 

尽管发达国家的ODA从未真正达到过联合国设定的目标，但以往这类援助总体上为支持发展中国家应对人道危机、消除贫困、实现可持续发展起到了一定积极作用。然而，随着削减援助的斧头落下，部分主要捐助国的援助规模甚至腰斩，教育、公共卫生及人道主义等领域项目遭受毁灭性冲击，不少鲜活的生命成为其中代价。

Although ODA from developed countries has never reached the target set by the UN, they used to generally hold up to play a useful role in supporting developing countries in addressing humanitarian crises, eradicating poverty and achieving sustainable development. Where the axe has fallen, leading to aid having been more than halved in the case of some leading donors, we have seen devastating consequences in education, public health and humanitarian programmes, in many instances costing real lives. 

最令人痛心的是，在当今的国际话语体系中，消除贫困和实现广泛的可持续发展几乎已不再被视为正当目标。一些最大的发达国家甚至连口头敷衍都已不屑为之。

What is most disheartening is that in international discourse today, eradication of poverty and achieving broad-based sustainable development hardly feature as legitimate goals any more. Some of the biggest developed countries no longer even bother to pay lip service.

建立有效国际秩序的第三个目标是：使全世界人类作为一个整体，更好应对我们共同面临的重大全球挑战。其中一些挑战关乎人类存亡，例如气候变化和大流行病。有些人即使在数据和现实验证的科学证据面前也公然否认这些威胁的存在或真实性，这一做法毫无益处。世界上最大的国家带头退出为应对这些挑战而设立的机制，无疑给国际社会应对这些挑战的努力以沉重打击。

The final major goal for a functioning international order would be to enable the world to deal with the huge common challenges we face as one world, as one humanity. Some of them are existential, such as climate change and pandemics. It does not help to be in denial that such threats exist or are real in the first place, even though data-based and reality-proved science says otherwise. Efforts to address these challenges have been dealt a body blow when the biggest country in the world took the lead to exit the institutions designed for such purposes.

此外，当前人工智能的指数级发展带来日益紧迫的挑战和正反两个方向的无限可能性。人工智能的特性及其潜在应用决定了各国需携手合作，建立共同的治理框架，以最大限度地把握机遇、降低风险。

No less important is the emerging, pacing challenge arising from the exponential progress in AI, bringing with it infinite possibilities, both on the upside and on the downside. The nature of AI and its potential application is such that countries would need to work together to develop a common framework for its governance to harness its maximum opportunities and at the same time, minimize the risks.

如果只为赢得竞争、谋求优势或绝对主导，就不惜一切代价，甚至将全人类置于巨大风险之中，是极不负责任的。

It is reckless just to win at all cost, to try to gain competitive supremacy or absolute dominance, even at the expense of increased risks for humanity as a whole. 

在座的各位可能会想，刚刚介绍了中国觉得行不通的路，那么究竟什么是行得通的呢？中国又如何回答这些时代之问？一个什么样的国际秩序能够实现促进和平与繁荣、应对共同挑战的目标？

At this point, you may say: Well, you have told us what you don’t think will work. But tell us what you think WILL work, what you stand for. What would China think be the answer to that big question of our times? What does an international order look like that would deliver on peace, prosperity and common challenges?

对中国来说，答案非常明了，那就是习近平主席提出的推动构建人类命运共同体。

For us, the answer at the foundational level is pretty straightforward: in building a Community of Shared Future for Humanity, which was proposed by Pres. Xi Jinping as a condition, a solution and an aspirational goal.

它是对现实世界的客观描述：全人类都命运相连、相互依存。

It being a condition as it describes our world as it is, the way we are, like it or not, highly interconnected and interdependent upon each other.

它是能解决问题的可行之策：只有通过团结协作、互利共赢，各国才能更好和平共处、共享繁荣、应对全人类共同挑战。

It being a solution in that working together to give effect to mutuality of interests gives us the best chance for countries to coexist peacefully, enjoy greater prosperity and overcome global challenges that impact all of us.

它是向未来前进的美好愿景：鉴于目前并非所有国家都同心同德，我们需加倍努力凝聚共识，共同走向未来。

It being an aspirational goal given the reality that as all are not yet on board, we need to work hard to build up the consensus and get from here to there. 

推动构建人类命运共同体的具体路径是践行习近平主席提出的全球发展、安全、文明、治理四大倡议。四大全球倡议各有侧重、相辅相成，形成了具有紧密联系的有机整体。究其根本，四大全球倡议涵盖了一些中国坚信的基本理念，对打造开放、包容、稳定、可持续，特别是公平、有效的国际秩序十分重要：

More specifically, President Xi has proposed four Global initiatives to take the world towards that goal, the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, the Global Civilizations Initiative, and the Global Governance Initiative.

These four Global Initiatives are closely inter-related and mutually supportive, and they make up an integral, holistic whole.

Underlying all four of them are some overarching, fundamental beliefs we hold deeply in China as crucial to an international order that is open, inclusive, stable, predictable, and above all, fair and effective.

第一，和平弥足珍贵，应当积极争取。各国都应坚持主权平等，相互尊重各自主权独立、尊严和领土完整，通过协商谈判和平解决分歧。如果无法根据共同商定的规则和平解决争端，世界就可能迅速退化为弱肉强食的丛林，强者可以为所欲为，弱者只得逆来顺受。最终，即便是强者，也可能在失控的战火中吞下苦果。

First, peace is precious, and should be sought after proactively, on the basis of sovereign equality of states, mutual respect for independence, dignity and territorial integrity, and the settlement of disputes peacefully through consultation and negotiation. If efforts at peaceful settlement of disputes according to jointly agreed rules is seen not to work, the world may quickly degenerate into a jungle, where the strong will do what they want, while the weak will suffer what they must. At the end of the day, even the strong may lose out in a conflagration running out of control. 

近期的事态表明，一些小国选边站队，或将自己绑上某个大国的战争机器，并未使其更加安全，反而将自身置于极度危险之中，被迫卷入一场身不由己、无法掌控、难以承担后果的冲突。

As has been shown by recent events, for some of the smaller countries, making binary choices or embedding themselves in the war-fighting machinery of a big power has not made them safer. On the contrary, it has put them in inordinate danger by roping them into a conflict they do not want, the course of which they cannot control, and above all, the consequences of which they can hardly afford to bear.

第二，各国都有发展的权利，不应让任何一个国家掉队，或刻意制造障碍。当今世界普遍存在的贫困和不发达情况，始终是人类共同良知上无法原谅的道德污点。哪怕自私一些看，历史已充分证明，再浩瀚的海洋、再高耸的围墙都无法阻挡贫富差距造成的冲击。我们应当也能够做大共同利益的蛋糕，让所有国家从中获益。

Second, all countries have the right to development, and no one should be left behind or kept behind. Wide-spread poverty and underdevelopment is an indefensible stain of guilt on the world’s collective conscience. Even from the angle of self-interest, as has been amply evidenced, no seas will be vast enough, and no walls high enough to keep the impact of the gap between the rich and the poor from coming ashore. We should and can grow the pie together, from which all could benefit.

第三，当今世界的现实是，各国文化、文明与价值观不尽相同，结合自身独特的历史和禀赋，经由本国人民选择，形成了各自不同的经济、社会和政治制度。从这个意义上说，没有哪种文化或特定价值观更优越，每一个都值得尊重。试图将自己的价值观或制度强加于人，从理念上是错误的，在实践中也几乎总是失败。相反，摒弃傲慢，尤其是不被所谓实力地位冲昏头脑，秉持谦卑、相互尊重、互学互鉴的态度，各国乃至整个世界都将从中受益。

Third, it is a reality of our world that different countries may have distinct cultures, civilizations and values, which, together with their own history and endowments, have fashioned their respective economic, social and political systems through the choice of their own people. In this sense, no culture, or a particular set of values is superior to others. All are equally worthy of respect. Attempts to impose one’s own values or system on others are intellectually wrong, and practically, they almost always fail. Instead, countries, and the whole world at that, will benefit from humility, mutual respect and mutual learning, rather than arrogance and worse, hubris of power.

第四，实现一个和平、繁荣与公正的世界，其根本在于以共商、共建、共享为基础的全球治理。无论是国际机制的建立与运作，还是规则的制定与适用，都应如此。因而我们坚定认为，国际秩序的基础必须是国际法中共同商定、广泛接受且一贯适用的规则，而非由一个国家或少数国家制定、强加于人，但他们却可随意曲解甚至肆意抛弃的所谓规则。而以联合国为核心的多边主义和国际体系，将所有国家无论大、中、小都凝聚在一起，尽管并非完美，却是我们通向更美好世界的最佳途径。

The final overarching principle which we believe is fundamental to a peaceful, prosperous and just world is that a broad-based approach is in order towards global governance, be it the building and operation of the institutions or the setting and the application of the rules. That is why it is our firmly held position that commonly defined, widely accepted and consistently applied rules as manifested in international law must be the basis of our international order, instead of rules as set down, superimposed but liable to be bent or even ditched wantonly by one or a small number of countries, and that multilateralism and the multilateral system with the UN at its centre that brings together all countries, be it major powers, middle powers, or even the smallest countries, for all its warts and all, gives us the best chance for a better world. 

换言之，无论是从定义上看还是就其必要性而言，国际秩序和国际规则都应真正具有国际性。相互尊重、和平共处、互利共赢的合作，是确保各国乃至全人类长远和根本利益的最佳选择。

In other words, international order and international rules, both by definition and by necessity, should be truly international. Cooperation, based on mutual respect, peaceful co-existence and mutuality of benefit is the best choice to ensure long-term and fundamental interests of all countries and humanity as a whole.

遗憾的是，当前世界正经历一段倒退或者偏离正轨的时期。但我们绝不应低估人类凭借理智并与现实对照进行自我修正的能力。或早或晚，希望能尽早，人类终将重回正途，因为弱肉强食的丛林法则及其所通向的黑暗深渊，绝不是一个可以接受的选项。

Sadly, the world is going through a period of regression or deviation right now. But we should never underestimate the human capacity to correct course with the help of reason and a dose of reality. Sooner or later, and hopefully sooner rather than later, humanity will come back to the right path, as the jungle and the precipice of darkness it leads to, is simply not an alternative.

借此机会，我也简要介绍一下中国在世界剧变下的国内发展情况。

Let me turn now very briefly to what China is doing domestically amid these drastic changes in the world.

大家可能已经注意到了，上周，一年一度的中国全国人大和全国政协会议——也就是“两会”——胜利闭幕。会议审议并通过了《中华人民共和国国民经济和社会发展第十五个五年规划纲要》。

You may have noticed that a week ago, China concluded its annual “Two Sessions” of the country’s legislature and political consultative body when the 15th Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development was adopted.

制定和实施五年规划是中国政府擘画国家发展蓝图的重要政策工具，旨在确保全国上下目标清晰、步调一致，各项政策在数年乃至数十年间得以延续和贯彻。这是中国之所以能成功实现经济快速发展与社会长期稳定“两大奇迹”的关键法宝之一。

The Five-Year Plan is an instrument employed by the Chinese Government to map out the course of development for the country to ensure both clarity and unity of purpose nationwide as well as policy coherence over years and even decades. It is one of the top secret weapons behind the remarkable success story of China’s dual miracle of decades of economic growth on one hand, and social stability on the other. 

结合去年十月中共中央就有关规划提出的建议，此次通过的“十五五”规划向外界传递了三大核心信息。

In conjunction with the CPC Central Committee decision last October, the Plan affirms three key messages.

第一，无论国际风云如何变幻，我们都将心无旁骛、坚定不移聚焦实现中华民族伟大复兴的中心任务，不断发展经济，提高人民生活水平。

Message NO. 1: Regardless of how the international landscape may evolve, we remain sharply and firmly focused on achieving our central goal of the Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation by growing the economy and improving our people’s lives. 

第二，科技和产业创新，将是持续推动高质量发展的关键引擎。我们将积极培育壮大新兴产业和未来产业，加快推动数字化、智能化、绿色化转型。

Message NO. 2: Endogenous innovation in both the technological and industrial domains will be the key driver for progressively higher-quality growth in emerging and future sectors, including through the triple digital, AI and green transitions.

第三，纵使全球风云激荡，我们绝不会关闭国门。我们将持续扩大高水平对外开放，以中国的不断发展和超大规模市场给世界带来更多机遇。

Message NO. 3: Despite the sometimes tumultuous upheavals globally, we shall not insulate ourselves from the rest of the world. We shall continue to open up, even on higher levels, and in that process, share more opportunities with the rest of the world from China’s continued growth and its mega market.

请大家注意，这与其他某些大国的做法存在根本区别。我们从不讳言实现中华民族的伟大复兴是我们的中心任务，但我们绝不会以此为由牺牲他国利益，更不会剥夺其他国家谋求自身发展的权利。

Note the crucial difference here from the approach being adopted by some of the other major powers. While we will not apologize for prioritizing the rejuvenation of our own nation, we shall not do it at the expense of others, by denying them the right to develop THEIR countries.

此外，我们未来几年的发展规划是充分开放、透明、可预期的，是在过去数十年成功实践基础上的延续和推进。

Besides, what we plan to do going into the next years is fully open, transparent and predictable, building on what we have been doing over the past decades. 

我们正是要以这样一种方式，为世界注入更多的稳定性、可预测性和确定性，以此对冲某些国家制造的动荡、不可预测与不确定性。这是我们作为负责任大国义不容辞的责任。

In this way, we are adding to the stability, predictability and certainty in our world to counter the instability, unpredictability and uncertainty being created by some of the others. As a responsible major power, we see it incumbent upon ourselves to do so.

最后，我想谈谈在以上这些背景下，我们如何看待中新关系。

Finally, how do we see, in this context, China-New Zealand relations.

对中国和新西兰来说，稳定发展的中新关系，其积极影响远超两国范畴。

For both China and New Zealand, a stable and growing bilateral relationship yields benefits that extend well beyond our two countries.

中新之间没有历史恩怨纠葛和根本利益冲突，建交50多年来，两国关系长期走在中国同西方发达国家关系前列，实实在在造福两国人民。友好合作、互利共赢始终是双边关系的主流。我们完全有理由让其延续下去。

There are no historical grievances nor fundamental conflicts of interest between China and New Zealand. In the more than five decades since the establishment of diplomatic relations, our relationship has consistently been at the forefront of China's ties with Western developed countries, delivering tangible benefits to both our peoples.

Friendship, cooperation, and mutual benefit have long constituted the mainstream of our relations.

There is every reason for us to keep it that way.

中新之间的共同点远比表面上看起来要多得多。面向未来，双方的共同利益只会不断增加。

China and New Zealand share far more common ground than is perhaps immediately apparent. Going into the future, that common ground will only grow.

两国都受益于并始终坚定支持多边贸易体制；两国人民都珍视和平，反对武装冲突，维护以联合国为核心的国际体系与多边主义；两国都尊重文化多样性，主张文明之间兼收并蓄、和合共生；两国都重视自然环境，追求创新发展，对美好未来抱有共同向往。

Both our countries have benefited from, and remain committed supporters of, the multilateral trading system. Both our peoples cherish peace, oppose armed conflict, and uphold the United Nations-centred international system and multilateralism. Both nations respect cultural diversity and embrace the harmonious mutual enrichment of civilizations. And both value the natural environment, pursue innovation, and share a common aspiration for a better future.

把这样称为价值观也好、利益也罢，上述这些都关乎两国人民的福祉，也因而为我们在双边、地区和全球层面建立牢固伙伴关系奠定了基础。

You may call these either values or interests. However you name them, they represent what is important to our peoples and thus constitute the basis of a robust partnership between us at the bilateral, regional and global levels.

在我们看来，中新两国应继续把彼此视为机遇和伙伴，而非挑战或威胁。

As far as we are concerned, China and New Zealand should continue to regard each other as opportunities and partners, rather than as challenges or threats.

中方愿同新西兰一道，携手打造相互尊重、彼此包容、互利共赢的全面战略伙伴关系。

On our part, China stands ready to work with New Zealand to cultivate a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership grounded in mutual respect, mutual accommodation, and mutually-beneficial cooperation.

相互尊重，就是尊重彼此主权和领土完整，照顾彼此核心利益和重大关切，互不干涉内部事务。中国从不干涉他国内政，也坚决反对别国干涉中国内政。

Mutual respect calls for honoring each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity, giving due consideration to each other's core interests and major concerns, and refraining from interference in each other's internal affairs. China has never interfered in the domestic affairs of other countries, and firmly opposes any interference in ours.

彼此包容，就是不让分歧定义双边关系。中新两国在一些问题上存在不同看法或做法很正常，但正如我之前所说，双方的共同利益远超分歧，我们要以建设性和务实的方式妥善处理分歧，将其置于适当位置，不让它们阻碍两国关系发展大局。

Mutual accommodation means ensuring that differences do not define our relationship. It is only natural that China and New Zealand may see or do things differently. However, as I have noted before, our shared interests far outweigh our differences. We should address those differences in a constructive and pragmatic manner to keep them in perspective, so that they do not get in the way of our overall relations.

互利共赢，就是充分发挥两国经济高度互补的优势，不断挖掘并培育双边经贸务实合作新增长点，拉紧人文交流纽带，同时在广泛的国际和地区事务，包括南太平洋事务上深化沟通与协调。

Mutually-beneficial cooperation entails making the most of our highly complementary economies, including by exploring and cultivating new drivers of growth in trade and economic cooperation, strengthening people-to-people bonds, and deepening communication and coordination on regional and international affairs, including in the South Pacific.

我想再次重申，中方对发展中新全面战略伙伴关系的积极态度没有改变，中方对深化两国人民友好的郑重承诺没有改变，中方对与新西兰携手促进世界和平、稳定、发展的真诚期待没有改变。

Allow me to reaffirm: China’s commitment to the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with New Zealand has not changed. China’s dedication to deepening friendship with the people of New Zealand has not changed. And China’s resolve to join hands with New Zealand in promoting world peace, stability, and development has not changed.

我坚信，中新关系将不断发展、前景广阔。在这个深刻而剧烈变革的时代，健康发展的中新关系将为我们提供“稳定锚”，也能为国际和地区和平、稳定、繁荣作出贡献。中方期待同新方携手开创更加美好的未来，造福两国人民乃至整个世界！

I am deeply convinced that the best days for China-New Zealand relations are still ahead of us. Amid the profound and drastic transformations of our time, a solid relationship between us will serve as an anchor of stability for both our countries and at the same time, contribute to peace, stability and prosperity more broadly. China looks forward to working with New Zealand to build a bright future together, for our two peoples, and for the world at large.

谢谢大家！

Thank you.